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UNIONISTS
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For centuries, Irish Protestants saw themselves as English subjects born
and living in Ireland. For them culture resided in everything English.
They beieved that they had rescued the Irish from their backwardness and
their barbaric language. The landlord class, known as The Ascendancy,
enjoyed their privileged status, their vast unearned rental incomes, their
leisure, their ability to travel, their monopolies, their fish and game
preserves, their Universities and libraries. The Protestant working class
preferred to associate themselves with this Protestant ascendancy.
Preserving these privileges required preserving the Union with England.
The Irish were systematically kept to "the lower orders". To achieve peace
between Ireland and England, Ireland must lose its separate identity.
NATIONALISTS
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But these "lower orders", in their cottages, were secure in their Irish
identity and the richness of their history, language and customs. These
Irish Nationalists shared the stream of collected thought, the shared
memories and imagination of generations, the traditions imbedded in
place-names, a cultural identity transmitted through their ancient
language. This Irishness was completely inconsistent with Unionism.
THE IRISH CLAIM
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After Catholic Emancipation in 1829, when Catholics were at last allowed
to vote, British Parliamentary Elections clearly showed that over 80% of
the Irish electorate wanted legislative independence. Wise old Gladstone
advised that giving Ireland a measure of self-rule would keep her part of
the Empire and less troublesome. Twice his Home Rule Bills were thwarted,
in 1886 and 1892. The British Liberal Party came to power with a massive
majority in 1906, pledged to give Ireland some form of self-government.
HOME RULE ATTEMPTED
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The overwhelmingly Tory House of Lords had the power of veto. The Peers
from the backwoods would flock to Westminster to crush every piece of
Liberal legislation. Liberal government was impossible. In 1909 Prime
Minister Asquith even had his budget bill vetoed. The crisis precipitated
two Parliamentary elections in 1910. Asquith and the Liberals were
weakened but the Tories were not rid of them.
To break the centuries-old power of the Lords, Asquith introduced The
Parliament Act of 1911. This provides that if the Commons passes a bill a
third time after two defeats in the Lords, the act passes anyway. To pass
the Parliament Act he needed Redmond's 86 Irish Nationalist votes.
Redmond's price was a Home Rule Bill. The Act passed, Home Rule was
assured.
Asquith introduced his Home Rule Bill in the summer of 1912. It finally
passed through The Commons for the third time following the inevitable two
defeats in the Lords, in May 1914. The King was eager to sign the Bill
into law, but Asquith and his Cabinet hesitated.
ULSTER SAYS NO
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To protect their privileged status, the Irish Protestant minority had
vowed they would rebel and declared themselves prepared for insurrection
and civil war rather than leave Westminster to sit in a Dublin Parliament
dominated by Catholics.
All during 1913 while the Home Rule Bill was laboring through Parliament
to override the Lords veto, the Northern Unionists were relentlessly
planning military resistance. Armed parades and drilling were widespread
and blatant. A Provisional Government for Ulster was established ready to
take over when the Dublin Home Rule Parliament was constituted. 200,000
people signed the Ulster Covenant, some in their own blood, "to defeat the
present conspiracy to set up a Home Rule parliament in Ireland".
THE ULSTER VOLUNTEERS
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96,000 men joined The Ulster Volunteers. A gun-running ship landed a huge
cargo of German rifles and ammunition at Larne on April 24th 1914, right
under the noses of the British navy who turned the other way.
THE TORIES SAY NO
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Tensions were high on both sides of the Irish Sea. No less a person than
Bonar Law, the leader of the Conservative Party, condoned, even urged,
treason in opposition to Home Rule. He "could imagine no length of
resistance to which Ulster will go in which he would not be ready to
support them".
THE MILITARY SAY NO
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In March 1914, the Army Commander in Ireland, General Gouch and 57 of his
officers stated to their Prime Minister that they would not move against
the Ulster Volunteers to implement the Home Rule Bill.
Not since the seventeenth century had the control of the British
Parliament over the armed forces looked so insecure. If Home Rule for
Ireland was implemented by the Liberal Government, Britain was faced with
the possibility of some form of coup d'état in the name of loyalty to the
Crown and the integrity of the Empire.
THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS
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The effectiveness and blatancy of the show of force by the Ulster
Volunteers in the North, to defeat Home Rule, was breathtaking to the
Nationalists in the south. Arms in the hands of Irishmen was intoxicating.
The physical force element of Irish Nationalism was long repressed by the
promises and seeming success of the Irish Parliamentary Party. But now,
should there not be a similar show of force by the Nationalists, in favor
of Home Rule?
At a general meeting of the Gaelic League, largely an Irish language
revival organization, such a proposal was made and the Irish Volunteers
were formed. Pretty soon they staged a copy-cat gun-running event at Howth
harbor in answer to the Unionists much larger landing at Larne.
PARTITION COUNTENANCED
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An idea, scarcely heeded at the time, had been put forward as an amendment
to the 1912 Home Rule Bill by T.G.R. Agar-Robartes, excluding the four
counties of Derry, Down, Antrim and Armagh, where alone there was a
majority against Home Rule. This was now considered by Asquith, provided
it was temporary, for a period of five or six years.
Carson, smelling weakness, accepted the idea but insisted on six counties,
including Fermanagh and Tyrone and wanted it permanent. Protestants in the
south still opposed Home Rule but abhorred partition. Redmond would accept
a six year suspension of the Act in the four northern Unionist-dominated
counties, but feared it becoming permanent.
HOME RULE SHELVED
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World War 1 dramatically pushed Ireland off the agenda without a
resolution. The Home Rule Bill got off the parliamentary calendar by the
expedient of passing it into law with the Kings signature but with an
accompanying Bill postponing the Ulster puzzle for the duration of the
War.
The problem festered and erupted during the War years. Padraic Pearse and
some of the Irish Volunteers were skeptical that the British Government
would coerce the Northern Unionists into a Home Rule Ireland. They did not
believe the Irish Nationalist Party leader, Redmond, that if the Irish
Volunteers went to France to fight for England, a grateful England would
reward them with Home Rule after the War.
THE EASTER RISING
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Pearse managed to stage a heroic but futile Rising with elements of the
Irish Volunteers in Dublin in 1916. The harsh reaction by the British
authorities by their quick execution of the leaders, the mass
imprisonments, the ugly reprisals by the military throughout the country,
proved Pearse right. The Irish people who at the time condemned the
Rising, were now shocked and disgusted by British Rule.
Asquith spent six days in Ireland from May 12th 1916. He reported to the
House of Commons on the 25th that the existing machinery of Government in
Ireland had broken down and that Home Rule should not be postponed until
the War was over, but should be reintroduced and implemented immediately.
HOME RULE WITH PARTITION
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Asquith had his Home Secretary, Lloyd George, meet with Redmond and Carson
to get an agreement to bring before the Cabinet. To get Redmond to break
the impasse by agreeing to the exclusion of the four northern counties, he
assured him that it would only be temporary, for six years. He even
promised to resign if the Cabinet did not approve.
Redmond agreed. The Cabinet sided with Carson, partition of six counties
would be permanent. Lloyd George did not resign. Redmond was devastated.
The political process was discredited. The Irish Parliamentary Party, who
had played by British rules for so long were now a spent force. The
skeptical men of Easter 1916 seemed to be right after all. Redmond died
broken-hearted in March 1918.
LLOYD GEORGE TRIES AGAIN
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Lloyd George's reward was to replace Asquith as leader of the Liberal
Party and Prime Minister in December of 1916. To defuse the explosive
potential of the Irish situation, Lloyd George immediately made a
conciliatory move by releasing most of the interned insurgent Irish
Volunteers from the Easter Rising. Unknown to him he was releasing men he
would meet again in 1921, like Michael Collins, who would destroy his
mechanisms of power in Ireland, Dublin Castle and the Royal Irish
Constabulary.
Again, but this time as Prime Minister, Lloyd George offered Redmond
immediate Home Rule excluding the north for five years. Mistrusting Lloyd
George and no longer sure of the rapidly hardening and polarizing Irish
public opinion, Redmond declined. He proposed instead, an Irish National
Convention.
THE NATIONAL CONVENTION
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This great convention was to have representatives from every Irish walk of
life, trade and commerce, education, local government, trade unions and of
course all political parties and groups. All sections were to have the
opportunity to express an opinion. It was hoped by both Redmond and Lloyd
George that Sinn Fein would recognize that their Republican ideal, to
which they were now definitely committed, was only an extremist minority
opinion.
If the Convention failed the British Government would be forced to rule
Ireland by force. Cabinet minutes for Feb. 13th 1918 records that the
Cabinet agreed that an all-Ireland Parliament was the only basis for a
satisfactory solution. Lloyd George proposed to inform representatives of
the convention that afternoon, that a settlement was only possible that
provided for "one Parliament for the whole of Ireland, sitting in Dublin"
and for Britain to retain control of customs and police.
The Convention agreed to a Report by a majority of 44 to 29, recommending
limited self-government by an all-Ireland Parliament in Dublin.
CONSCRIPTION
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British casualties in France were enormous. So far Ireland was excluded
from conscription though the number of volunteers were amazing. The War
Cabinet thought that Home Rule would sugar a conscription pill. The pill
was to be administered with a promise of the sugar later. Conscription
without Home Rule met with fierce opposition and served to unite Irish
opinion against English rule even more than the bravery and sacrifice of
the Easter Rising.
GENERAL ELECTION OF 1918
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The end of the War brought the end of conscription and the General
Election of December 1918. Sinn Fein won 73 of the 105 Parliamentary seats
for the whole country, an almost 70% majority. The Parliamentary
Nationalist Party was reduced to 6 of their pre-election 68. The Unionists
had 26, approximately 25% of the total. The jubilant Sinn Feiners
acclaimed the result as a whole-hearted vote by the national electorate
for their Republic.
THE REPUBLIC DECLARED
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On January 21st, 1919 the newly elected Sinn Fein members of the British
House of Commons as pledged to the electorate, met in the Mansion House in
Dublin and instituted the first Dail Eireann, the Irish Assembly. The 1916
Declaration of Independence was solemnly read. The Government of the Irish
Republic was formally constituted. Government Departments were established
and Ministers appointed. Local courts were set up throughout the country.
The Irish Volunteers now became The Irish Republican Army. Bonds were
successfully floated at home and abroad. The Irish Republic was in
business if not yet recognized.
Had the 73 Sinn Fein members of Parliament gone instead to Westminster,
they could have brought mayhem to the House of Commons until they got
their way. This new breed, De Valera, Collins, Griffith, Brugha, Countess
Markievicz and rest of the 73, would have reduced the Imperial Parliament
to impotence.
But they were pledged to the electorate to constitute a Republic. To take
their seats at Westminster would have conceded the right of the British
Parliament to govern Ireland. As far as they were concerned, Ireland was
an ancient country, a single unit and they had a clear democratic mandate
for their program from the entire electorate of that country.
THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
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The British did not recognize the Republic. Recruited by advertisement,
Lloyd George introduced a new force to Ireland in March 1920, dubbed the
"Black and Tans" by some inspired wit, after a famous pack of hounds of
the time. The name also fitted their ensemble of police and military khaki
uniforms. They had license to subdue the Irish by terrorism. Ireland was
to be coerced into accepting continued government by Britain. This period,
until the Truce on July 11th 1921, was to become known as the War of
Independence.
THE PARTITION BILL
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With the old Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster reduced to six,
Lloyd George, had retained power by including the Unionists in his
coalition! In December 1920, he introduced the Better Government of
Ireland Act. It became known, more aptly, as the Partition Bill. Religious
bigotry was to be placated.
It provided for the setting up of two parliaments, one for the six
counties in the north, without a limiting time period, and one for the 32
counties in the south, if Sinn Fein might conveniently vanish!
The Nationalist Catholics in the North were now condemned to the fate the
Unionists were willing to fight the Empire rather than endure, that of
being entombed as a minority in a hostile culture.
Catholics were a sizable minority in this new Ulster, over 40% of the
population. The new parliament at Stormont would inevitably have to
operate under permanent one party rule. This was inherently undemocratic,
and so it proved.
An Election was held in the North on May 19th 1921 and on May 24th 1921 in
the South. On June 22nd, 1921, King George V opened the Parliament of
Northern Ireland with an appeal for peace and reconciliation to the whole
country. The day set for opening of the Southern Parliament was June 28th,
1921. If less than half the elected members attended, this Parliament
would be dissolved in accordance with the Act. But Sinn Fein were done
with England. Nobody showed up.
THE TRUCE
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Lloyd George followed the Kings sentiments and invited Sir James Craig,
the Northern leader and Eamon De Valera, the Southern leader, to meet him
in London. "In the spirit of the Kings words" the Commander-in-Chief of
the British forces in Ireland, General Sir Neville Macready met with the
Irish leaders at the Mansion House in Dublin on July 8th. A Truce came
into force at noon on Monday, July 11th, 1921.
De Valera went to London with a delegation on July 14th. Britain offered a
form of Dominion status but confirmed partition. Back in Dublin, De Valera
and his Cabinet agreed that the proposals were too little and too late.
DE VALERA'S EXTERNAL ASSOCIATION
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In a long reply to Lloyd George, De Valera suggested "external
association" with the British Commonwealth, acknowledging the British
Crown as head of that group of nations, if "such association would secure
the allegiance of the present dissenting minority", (the Unionists). Lloyd
George replied that on allegiance to the King "no British Government can
compromise".
THE LONDON CONFERENCE
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He ultimately suggested a conference in London on October 11th 1921,
"where we can meet your delegates as spokesmen of the people whom you
represent with a view to ascertaining how the association of Ireland with
the community of nations known as the British Empire may best be
reconciled with Irish National aspirations". The British were not
recognizing the Irish Republic by talking to its leaders and the Irish
were not committing to accepting the Crown.
THE TREATY
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On December 6th, 1921, Articles of Agreement, known as The Treaty, were
signed by the British and Irish representatives subject to the
ratification of both Parliaments. The Treaty set up a "Free State" in the
26 southern counties. The six Northern counties continued to be governed
by the provisions of the 1920 Government of Ireland Act. After much debate
the Dail approved the Treaty by sixty four votes to fifty seven, on
Saturday January 7th, 1922. To implement The Treaty, the British
Parliament passed the Irish Free State (Constitution) Act of 1922.
THE SPLIT
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There were now two deeply divided perceptions in Nationalist Ireland.
Acceptance of the Free State abandoned the Republic and accepted partition
but it brought international recognition and ended the state of war with
Britain. Rejection of the Free State meant continued war but it preserved
the unity of Ireland and remained true to the Republic.
To this day there are those who insist that the only legitimate government
in Ireland must spring from the December 1918 General Election, the First
Dail on January 21st, 1919 and the Republic constituted on that day. The
Irish Republican Army still consider themselves the legitimate Volunteer
army of that Republic.
CONCLUSION
A MODERN STATE IN THE SOUTH
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The majority preferred peace and pragmatism. After a shaky first 9 months
of Civil War. The Free State established itself over the Republic, which
would have to wait. Ireland showed the way for many new post colonial
nations. De Valera finally got his Republic in 1937. The Irish Republic is
a healthy democracy today, with a First World economy and standard of
living, playing a full role in the developing European Union. She is
active and influential in world affairs through the United Nations and
various humanitarian organizations.
THE TROUBLED NORTH
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The Northern Unionists were left to themselves to interpret and use the
powers given to their Partition Parliament. They used them to assure the
continued ascendancy of Protestants. Following excesses in the use of
these powers, Westminster prorogued the Ulster Parliament in 1972 and
instituted direct Cabinet rule from London.
Lloyd George's solution to "how the association of Ireland with the
community of nations known as the British Empire may best be reconciled
with Irish National aspirations" continues to be the challenge facing the
present generation of Irish and British politicians.
© Pat Flannery 1994
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