The 1916 Rising
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THE PROCLAMATION

THE NORMAN INVASION

CONQUERED OR FREE

UNION AND REPEAL

HOME RULE

NATIONALIST ORGANIZATIONS

THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS

HOWTH GUN-RUNNING

REMEMBER BATCHELOR'S WALK

WORLD WAR ONE

VOLUNTEERS SPLIT

THE NEW VOLUNTEERS

THE I.R.B.

JAMES CONNOLLY

THE CITIZEN'S ARMY

EASTER SUNDAY

MACNEILL'S COUNTERMAND

SALVAGED

TO THE GPO

PEARSE ON THE STEPS

THE PLAN

MOUNT STREET BRIDGE

THE HELGA

IN THE GPO

MICHAEL COLLINS

DUBLIN ON FIRE

SURRENDER

PRISON AND DEATH

IMMEDIATE HOME RULE

THE ULSTER QUESTION AGAIN

SINN FEIN

POLITICS

THE IRB ALIVE AND WELL

 

 

 

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 POBLACHT NA H EIREANN
================================
THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT
of the
IRISH REPUBLIC
TO THE PEOPLE OF IRELAND
 

   
   

Irishmen and Irishwomen: In the name of God and of the dead generations from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom.

Having organized and trained her manhood through her secret revolutionary organization, the Irish Republican Brotherhood, and through her open military organizations, the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizen army, having patiently perfected her discipline, having waited for the right moment to reveal itself, she now seizes that moment and supported by her exiled children in America and by gallant Allies in Europe, but relying in the first on her own strength she strikes in full confidence of victory.

We declare the right of the people of Ireland to the ownership of Ireland, and to the unfettered control of Irish destinies, to be sovereign and indefeasible. The long usurpation of that right by a foreign people and Government has not extinguished the right, nor can it ever be extinguished except by the destruction of the Irish people. In every generation the Irish people have asserted their right to national freedom and sovereignty; six times during the last 300 hundred years they have asserted it in arms. Standing on that fundamental right and again asserting it in arms in the face of the world, we hereby proclaim the Irish Republic as a Sovereign Independent State and we pledge our lives and the lives of our comrades-in-arms to the cause of its freedom, of its welfare, and of its exaltation among the nations.

The Irish Republic is entitled to, and hereby claims, the allegiance of every Irishman and Irishwoman. The Republic guarantees religious and civil liberty, equal rights and equal opportunities to all its citizens, and declares its resolve to pursue the happiness and prosperity of the whole nation and of all its parts, cherishing all the children of the nation equally, and oblivious of the differences carefully fostered by an alien government, which have divided a minority from the majority in the past.

Until our arms have brought the opportune moment for the establishment of a permanent National Government, representative of the whole people of Ireland and elected by the suffrage of all her men and women, the Provisional Government, hereby constituted, will administer the civil and military affairs of the Republic in trust for the people.

We place the cause of the Irish Republic under the protection of the Most High God, whose blessing we invoke on our arms, and we pray that no one who serves that cause will dishonor it by cowardice, inhumanity or rapine. In this supreme hour the Irish nation must, by its valor and discipline and by the readiness of its children to sacrifice themselves for the common good, prove itself worthy of the august destiny to which it is called.

Signed on Behalf of the Provisional Government:

   
   


Thomas J. Clark
Sean MacDiarmada
Thomas MacDonagh
P. H. Pearse Eamonn Ceannt
James Connolly 
Joseph Plunkett

   
   

                                                                    
THE PROCLAMATION

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On Easter Monday April 24th 1916, Patrick Pearse read this great document in Irish history on the steps of the General Post Office in Sackville Street, now O'Connel street in Dublin, to an uncomprehending group of passers by.
 
The Proclamation was ingeniously thought out and is far more comprehensive than its first impact suggests.
 
Men were to indeed give their lives and remain faithful to the full meaning of its claims and promises. Partition was not to be countenanced. The Protestant minority were assured the same rights as the Catholic majority, despite the differences fostered by an alien government. They signed on behalf of the Provisional Government, not as members of it, as indeed they were. They knew well that they themselves would soon be counted among "the dead generations". Continuity would be achieved from within the secret membership of the Irish Republican Brotherhood.
 
Did Ireland, as they claimed, derive a right of nationhood from her dead generations? Had England won the right to govern by repeated conquests over seven hundred years? Your answer makes you a Nationalist or a Unionist in Ireland today.
 
THE NORMAN INVASION

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Its a long way back to 1154. In that same year the young, French Speaking, 22 year old Henry II was crowned King of England and Nicholas Breakespeare became Pope Adrian IV. The first and only English Pope. Dermott MacMurrough was 44 and King of Leinster.
 
Henry knew of the fertile soil and abundant fish and timber of Ireland. He knew of the culture and the rich monasteries. He asked for and got the Papal blessing. The Brehon Laws and customs, still hardly changed seven centuries after St. Patrick, were un-Christian to the Cistercian monk now on the chair of St. Peter. Henry would bring this wayward flock back to salvation and while he was at it, forcefully remind the Irish to pay their Peters Pence to Rome.
 
Before Henry got around to actually going over to Ireland, Dermott MacMurrough was kicked off his throne as King of Leinster and went over to Bristol to an old friend of the family, Robert FitzHarding, who introduced him to the Earl of Strigul, known as Strongbow. Down on his luck and out of favor with Henry, Strongbow eagerly accepted the promise of MacMurrough's daughter Aoife, in marriage and thereby, Kingship of Leinster on the death of Dermott. In return all Strongbow had to do was persuade enough out of work Norman Knights and foot soldiers to come over to Ireland, where the spoils were good and the women were pretty and put Dermott back in his rightful place.
 
The Irish were no match for the Normans. Henry soon was forced to follow and claim his over-lordship of Strongbow, now a dangerously ambitious Baron. After only a few months in his new kingdom of Ireland, now added to the Norman Empire, Henry , the "Alexander of the West", sailed for Wales from Wexford on Easter Monday morning! It was 1172, little more than 100 years after the Battle of Hastings, where Henry's great-grandfather, William the Conqueror, defeated the Saxon King Harold in the year 1066 AD.
 
Henry's son, King John signed the Magna Carter. The Normans and their aristocratic descendants rule England and own most of its land to this day. They changed Saxon England for ever. They gave Ireland most of her castles and distinctive Irish names. They became "more Irish than the Irish themselves". But their English masters never let them establish a purely Irish Kingdom in Ireland as the Anglo-Normans did. England became a separate nation from their French homeland.. Ireland was doomed to seven hundred years of re-conquest after re-conquest.
 
CONQUERED OR FREE

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The claim of the English to "right by conquest" became the very source of the Irish claim to the right to strike in arms for freedom and nationhood. Their long 700 year agony of second-class British citizenship and religious discrimination left no doubt in the minds of the men of 1916.
 
UNION AND REPEAL

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The Irish Parliament drawn mostly from the Protestant Ascendancy class had voted itself out of existence in 1800. Purchased by titles, money and Pitts false promise of Catholic Emancipation, they passed the Act of Union. Rebellion by the United Irishmen in 1798 had frightened the English. They were determined not to lose Ireland and resolved to absorb it completely.
 
The continued denial of citizen rights to Catholics, brought the Repeal Movement and the mass peaceful popular demonstrations for Catholic Emancipation, throughout the nineteenth century. Frustration with the seeming futility of winning political gains from the British only to have them denied in implementation spawned a new physical force element in every generation.
 
In the latter part of the 1900's Parnel had the political misfortune of having a secret love life, which when revealed, the British gleefully used to rid themselves of his irritating and powerful Irish presence in Parliament.
 
HOME RULE

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In the first decade of the twentieth century, Redmond led 86 Irish votes at Westminster which he used to keep Asquith and the Liberal Party in Government in return for a Home Rule Bill. This first required The Parliament Act of 1911 which took the long held power of veto from the House of Lords. The Lords could now reject a Bill twice, but if the Commons passed it a third time it became law despite them. Asquith introduced a Home Rule Bill for Ireland in the summer of 1912. It finally passed through the Commons for the third time in May 1914. It only required Royal Assent to become law.
 
But Ulster Protestants refused to be ruled by Dublin Catholics. Carson obtained 200,000 signatures, some in blood, to his "Ulster Covenant". The Bible was quoted mightily. On April 24th 1914 they landed a huge cargo of German guns and ammunition at Larne. "Ulster will fight and Ulster will be right", was the cry of the newly formed
Ulster Volunteers. They set up a Provisional Government for the north with a military council. With secure funding and support from British Conservatives (whatever the ballot box might say) they were going to have no truck with Dublin.
 
The Southern Catholics admired the Dublin-born Carson's defiance of the Imperial Parliament (of which he was a member), and only wished that he was fighting for them. He showed them that the British were susceptible to well organized violence and the threat of it. This had enormous impact on the minds of the Gaelic League in Dublin.
 
NATIONALIST ORGANIZATIONS

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The Gaelic League was formed in Dublin in 1893 to revive the dying Irish language and culture. It represented the rediscovery of the language by the intellectuals, in the persons of poets and dramatists like Yeats, Synge and Lady Gregory and college professors like Eoin MacNeill.
 
The Irish Republican Brotherhood or I.R.B. was formed in 1856 as part of the Fenian movement in America by exiled patriots from the 1848 rising. It was a physical force movement in direct descent from Wolfe Tone's United Irishmen who rebelled in 1798.

The Gaelic Athletic Association or G.A.A. was formed in Thurles, County Tipperary, in 1884 to popularize native Irish games such as hurling and gaelic football.
 
Sinn Fein was founded by Arthur Griffith in 1905 to oppose the Irish Parliamentary Party at Westminster and follow a more independent national policy. They believed in passive resistance, Irish self reliance and would accept a dual monarchy with Britain.
 
THE IRISH VOLUNTEERS

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Eoin MacNeill wrote an article in the November 1913 issue of the Gaelic League paper, An Claidheamh Solais, raising the possibility of an Irish armed force similar to the Ulster Volunteers. As a result a public meeting was held in the Rotunda Rink, Dublin, on Thursday Nov. 25th 1913 to found a volunteer force. The majority of its inspirers were secretly I.R.B.. Enrollment forms were passed around. The Irish Volunterrs grew quickly from that evening. Eoin MacNeill was in charge, or so he thought.
 
At their 1914 Ard-Fheis in Dundalk, the Gaelic League, now heavily infiltrated by the secret I.R.B., passed a resolution abolishing the rule that the organization be non-political. Its chairman and co-founder, Douglas Hyde, refused to continue under these new conditions. He was replaced by the scholarly and respectable Eoin MacNeill.
 
HOWTH GUN-RUNNING

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On Sunday July 26th, 1914, three months after their mentors, the Ulster Volunteers, landed their German guns at Larne, Erskine Childers sailed into Howth harbor on the flood tide at 12:45, hurriedly dropping his sails as he did so. He had scarcely an hour before the ebb tide would drain the harbor to mud. Eight hundred Irish Volunteers, four abreast came down the pier at the double to unload the precious cargo of 900 hundred rifles and 25,000 rounds of ammunition. Erskine, writer of the classic seafaring adventure, Riddle of the Sands, his brave American invalid wife Molly and crew had weathered what they later learned was the worst storm in the Irish Sea since 1882, on their 14 day voyage. They were dangerously overloaded from their rendezvous with a German tug at Ruytigen Lightship at the mouth of the Schelt river in Holland. Their sail-craft was the Asgard, a 49-foot gaff-rigged ketch, built in Norway, whose name from Norse mythology means "The Citadel of the gods", which contains "Valhalla".
 
REMEMBER BATCHELOR'S WALK

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During the previous three months the British Army in Ireland had refused their Government's orders to move against the Ulster Volunteers, but later that day they fired indiscriminately into a crowd of Dubliners at Batchelor's Walk. The crowd were jeering their efforts to disarm the Irish Volunteers. Two men and one woman were killed and 38 wounded.
 
WORLD WAR ONE

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On Tuesday, July 28th, Austria declared war on Serbia. On July 31, Germany and Russia mobilized and within 24 hours a state of war existed between them. On August 3, Germany declared war on France. The next day German troops crossed the Belgian frontier. By the night of August 4, Britain, guarantor of the sanctity of Belgian territory, was in the war.

What now for Ireland? Will there be conscription? Where is the Home Rule Bill? In June 1914 the Liberals and Conservatives had got to where they had agreed that the Home Rule Bill should be signed by the King when an Accompanying Bill (excluding either, four or six Ulster counties, without a time limit) could be passed by the Commons. The King had called a conference in July but failed to get the four parties to agree on the terms of the proposed accompanying Exclusion Bill. On entering the war, they quickly got the Home Rule Bill signed and off the order of business by passing a different accompanying Bill postponing its operation for the duration of the war.
 
VOLUNTEERS SPLIT

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Many Irish were impressed that England went to the aid of a small nation like Belgium. Carson's Ulster Volunteers, who had been ready to fight Britain to remain part of her, went to France as a division with their own officers and colors. In June 1914, it was thought that allowing Redmond into the Volunteers would strengthen his hand at Westminster on Home Rule. Twenty five nominees of Redmond were added to the Executive Council. Redmond now urged the Irish Volunteers to enlist. He told them a grateful England would implement Home Rule after the war. Large numbers did. Sadly, Kitchener displayed the age-old anti-Irishness and discriminated against the Southern Irish. Unlike the Ulstermen, they were dispersed throughout the British army and denied glory or recognition. In proportion to its population, Ireland contributed more to the battlefields of France and Belgium than did England itself. The Irish Volunteers split on the issue of serving England or fighting her now that she was heavily preoccupied in Europe.
 
THE NEW VOLUNTEERS

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On March 10th 1915, the higher command of the Irish Volunteers was reorganized. The Executive Committee was now controlled by the I.R.B. On March 13th, Patrick Pearse, one of the new headquarters Commandants, called a meeting of the four Dublin battalion Commandants, Edward Daly, Thomas MacDonough, Eamon Ceannt and DeValera to discuss a Rising in September.
 
Home Rule, which seemed a possibility in 1913, had by now lost all reality. Asquith's Government had shelved the Bill and talked about partition of the country to appease the Conservatives and the Unionists. After the split with Redmond the reorganized Volunteers became more and more convinced that a complete break with England and the formation of an all-Ireland Republic was the only way to avoid partition and move forward as a people. This meant Insurrection!!
 
MacNeill never had any idea of using the Volunteers for insurrection. He did, however, tell the British that he would fight them with guns if they attempted to impose conscription. As a College professor he gave respectability to the Volunteers. The English did not take the drilling seriously which went on a full 12 months before the rising. The reports from the Royal Irish Constabulary around the country into Dublin Castle seemed to indicate the Irish letting off steam.
 
THE I.R.B.

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The Military Council of the I.R.B. was Pearse, Clarke, Plunkett, MacDermott, Ceannt and MacDonough. Tom Clarke looked prematurely old after 15 years in English prisons. The plans for the rising were born in the little tobacconist shop in Parnell Street run by he and his wife. He recognized the smoldering power of Pearse, inducted him into the I.R.B., and suggested him to the Military Council for Commander-in-Chief of the rising.
 
JAMES CONNOLLY

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James Connolly was born in Ulster in 1870, spent his early years in Glasgow where his parents moved. He went to worked at age eleven as a Corporation dustman. He settled in Dublin with his wife and two children in 1896 but was forced to emigrate to America in 1903 because of poverty due to employer discrimination. He was a dedicated socialist. He hated British Capitalism and Imperialism. In 1910 he returned to Ireland to the job of chief organizer in Belfast of the newly formed Irish Transport and General Workers Union. He united Catholic and Protestant against their unjust employers. In 1914, big Jim Larkin, the greatest outdoor speaker of his time, sailed for America to raise funds and Connolly took his place as General Secretary of the Union at its headquarters in Dublin's Liberty Hall.
 
THE CITIZEN'S ARMY

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He found himself also the head of the Irish Citizen's Army which had been formed during the general strike of 1912 to protect striking workers from the Dublin Metropolitan Police. He drilled them and marched them through Dublin streets until the I.R.B. became worried that he would wreck their own careful plans for insurrection, now planned for Easter 1916. Pearse, Plunkett and MacDonough met with him and told him their plans. He pledged his Citizen's Army and was co-opted onto the Military Council without joining the I.R.B.
 
EASTER SUNDAY

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A glorious renewal of the Spirit of Ireland was now set for Easter Sunday, April 23rd 1916. Pearse the poet, writer, schoolmaster was Joan of Arc, Gandhi, Jesus Christ even, ready, eager perhaps, to die. Yeats lovely poem "The Rose Tree" caught the feeling exactly:
 
"But where can we draw water,
Said Pearse to Connolly,
When all the wells are parched away?
O Plain as plain can be
There's nothing but our own red blood
Can make a right Rose Tree."
 
MACNEILL'S COUNTERMAND

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On Holy Thursday night MacNeill learned by chance that an insurrection was planned for Sunday. Pearse was roused from his bed to face MacNeill's anger. The Gaelic League Profesor could not budge Pearse. MacNeill said he would do everything short of ringing up Dublin Castle to stop it. He felt that futile insurrection was immoral. It had to have a reasonable chance of success. Next morning MacDonough and MacDermott convinced him that German arms were on their way to Kerry with Roger Casement and that would give the enterprise the possibility of success he needed and anyway it was by now inevitable. He relented!
 
Casement was captured shortly after landing in Kerry. The German captain, trapped in Tralee bay by a British naval vessel, scuttled his ship. On Saturday MacNeill determined again to stop it. He sent despatches to Cork, Belfast and Limerick. He put a notice in the Sunday newspapers, directed over the heads of the officers, to each individual Volunteer, canceling the "manouvers" and all Volunteer activities for the day.
 
SALVAGED

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There was shock and turmoil. But all was not lost. Seven resolute men were meeting at Liberty Hall that Sunday morning, Pearse, Clarke, Connolly, MacDonough, MacDermott, Ceannt and Plunkett. They must act or be a disgrace to their generation. The British were on to them now after the German gunrunning attempt of Good Friday in Kerry. Their plans must be salvaged. MacNeill's order applied only to Sunday. They decided to confirm MacNeill's order with an added instruction "all Volunteers are to stay in Dublin until further orders".
 
The English would surely strike soon to disarm the Volunteers following the now known German contacts. Feverish handwritten dispatches were flying from officer to officer. By late afternoon the Dublin officers knew that the rising was to take place as planned at noon the next day Easter Monday. New orders to parade for inspection with full arms and provisions next morning at 10:00 A.M. were issued.
 
TO THE GPO

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Pearse ordered that E. Company of the third battalion was to be on parade outside Liberty Hall at that time as part of a Fifth Dublin Division. It was this Fifth Division, supplemented by a contingent of Connolly's Citizen's Army which set off from Liberty Hall to march on the General Post Office. It numbered about 150 men. James Connolly in the full uniform of a Commandant General, led the column. On his left, Plunkett. On his right, Pearse. "Another route march", thought many scoffing onlookers from the quiet Bank Holiday Dublin streets, until opposite the General Post Office, Connolly's voice rang out, "Left turn, the G.P.O.-- Charge!"
 
Disarmed by MacNeill's countermanding order, Dublin Castle had been caught napping. The men who took the G.P.O. met no resistance. They quickly put it in a defensive state. They moved in bedding and food from a nearby hotel, giving a receipt from the new Provisional Government for everything they took. The trimly uniformed girls of Cumann na mBan organized kitchens and dressing stations.

PEARSE ON THE STEPS

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The tricolour flag of the new Republic, green, white and orange, floated above the G.P.O. Down on the street under the portico, Pearse read the Proclamation of the Irish Republic. Few of the little crowd of strollers, soldiers on leave from the war in France, mystified metropolitan policemen, who gathered and gaped, could have guessed at the solemnity of the moment. The phoenix flame was lit once more.
 
THE PLAN

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The plan was to isolate the centre of Dublin. The four Dublin battalions were in position. The men were informed that this was the real thing. Many were promoted from the ranks. The confused orders caused a very low turnout. The first battalion under Edward Daly occupied the Four Courts on the banks of the Liffey and were to guard the north-west of the city. The second under Thomas MacDonough, a signatory to the Proclamation and the chief tactician of the Rising, was to defend the southern approach to the city centre at Jacob's Biscuit Factory. The third under De Valera, at Boland's Mill closed the ring to the south-east. Eamonn Ceannt, a signatory, with Cathal Brugha as his number two, commanded the fourth battalion from the South Dublin Union building, to defend the south-west.
 
Many Volunteers found their way to their units when they realized what was happening, but the garrisons were still pitifully small. Communications were weak. Officers had to act largely in isolation. There was a lot of sniping in the first few days as the British got themselves organized. Looting broke out in O'Connell street. Fires were started and left unattended by the authorities.
 
MOUNT STREET BRIDGE

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Reinforcements from Britain were landed at Dun Laoghaire on Wednesday. Two thousand Sherwood Foresters marched in the Merrion Road but met up with De Valera's men at Mount Street Bridge over the Grand Canal. The greatest battle of the rising took place here. Unbelievable courage was displayed on both sides during a four hour battle. The defenders, only twelve in number, killed and wounded 234 officers and men almost exactly half the total British military casualties of Easter Week. The Volunteers lost only four men. Lieutenant Michael Malone, in charge at the bridge, died fighting with calm heroism.
 
THE HELGA

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But the British gun-boat Helga appeared in the Liffey the same day. Her booming guns told all Dublin who was going to be master. Connolly had maintained that the British would not use artillery on the buildings of their capitalists in Dublin. He was wrong. On Thursday, he left the G.P.O. to inspect some outposts and received two bullets in the thigh.
 
IN THE GPO

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In the G.P.O. the garrison sang their rebel songs. In doomed defiance they sang a favorite:
 
"Tonight we man the Bearna Baoghail
In Erin's cause, come woe or weal,
Mid rifles' roar or cannons' peal
We'll chant a Soldier's Song...."
 
Their courage is remembered every time we now sing those lines in Our Nation Anthem! Incendiary shells were falling on Dublin from the guns of the Helga. The City was on fire. The dead still lay in the streets.
 
MICHAEL COLLINS

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One of the most efficient officers in the G.P.O. was a young Corkman, Michael Collins, recently returned from London with other Volunteers. Michael went to England at age 15. He worked in the Postal Service as an accountant for ten years. Many of his old London-Irish mates, not in the I.R.B., were surprised and jeered him when he appeared in the uniform of a Staff Captain in front of the Liberty Hall the morning of the rising. He said in the G.P.O. "I'm the only man in the whole place that was'nt at Confession and Communion".
 
DUBLIN ON FIRE

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The G.P.O. was engulfed in flames. The upper floors had already crashed onto the floors below until now only the first floor remained. Most of the women and the wounded, except Connolly who refused to leave, were evacuated on Friday. The men tunneled from building to building down Moore Street in an effort to escape. Many were hit by the relentless encircling machine gun and rifle fire of the British as they dashed across an opening to escape ever new flames.
 
General Sir John Maxwell arrived on Friday to take command. The British soldiers who felt that the rising was a treacherous stab in the back were in an inflamed temper. They gave little consideration to civilians caught in the crossfire. Some were summarily shot, out of pure rage.
 
SURRENDER

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It was because of what was happening to civilians that Pearse sent young Elizabeth O'Farrell, carrying a Red Cross flag to the British barricade at 12:45 PM on Saturday. Twice more that brave girl walked that dangerous journey. The British wanted unconditional surrender. Finally at 3:45 PM Pearse himself walked to the barricade and surrendered to General Lowe "in order to prevent the further slaughter of Dublin citizens".
 
The Four Courts had also finally fallen. Elsewhere the garrisons were holding out. DeValera and others were reluctant to give in and were suspicious of a British trick. They demanded confirmation from other leaders.
 
PRISON AND DEATH

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The rebels were ahead of their time. They were jeered by the onlooking Dubliners as they were marched to captivity or the firing squad. "A terrible beauty was born" wrote Yeats later. The political detectives from Dublin Castle walked slowly through the sullen ranks, picking out the ringleaders. They passed by a man unknown to them, who was to be the most deadly dangerous. He, however, eyed them well and remembered their faces, he was Michael Collins.
 
General Maxwell quickly court-martialed and shot the seven signatories to the Proclamation. Eight more leaders got the same quick justice. Volunteer Thomas Kent, hanged a week later in Cork, for resisting arrest, makes "the sixteen" of Easter Week.
 
IMMEDIATE HOME RULE

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Prime Minister Asquith arrived in Dublin on May 12th. Early that morning the last two executions, James Connolly and Tom MacDermott, had been carried out. He spent six days in Ireland. He talked to prisoners and read the court-martial speeches of the leaders. He began to understand their motives. On his return he reported to the House of Commons that the existing machinery of government in Ireland had broken down. He asked Lloyd George to begin negotiations with the Nationalists and the Ulster Unionists, on the suspended Home Rule Bill, without waiting for the end of the war as planned, and get it into operation as soon as possible.
 
THE ULSTER QUESTION AGAIN

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The intransigence of the Ulster Unionists reappeared with the shelved Home Rule Bill. Partition reappeared. Lloyd George got Redmond and Carson to agree that twenty-six counties would be ruled from Dublin and six from Belfast. They did not agree to whether the arrangement would be permanent or temporary, the old stumbling block. Carson wanted it permanent, Redmond could only accept such an arrangement as a temporary expedient. The talks again broke down.
 
SINN FEIN

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The Irish people suffering under martial law by Maxwell, saw the impotence of the Irish Parliamentary Party. They now had a new crop of national heroes and some great songs. They showed their appreciation for the men of 1916 by voting Sinn Fein at a couple of by-elections. In December 1916, Asquith was pushed out of office and Lloyd George became Prime Minister. He released the Rising internees from Frongoch in Wales. On April 4th, 1917 America entered the War and Lloyd George breathed more easily. He became worried about the growing support for Sinn Fein candidates at by-elections, some of whom were in British jails during the campaign. In May 1917 he offered Redmond immediate Home Rule. The six counties of Northern Ireland would be excluded for a period of five years. Redmond knew Lloyd George had promised Carson that partition would be permanent, so he turned it down.
 
POLITICS

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Redmond suggested a Convention from all walks of Irish life. He and Lloyd George were anxious to halt the drift towards Sinn Fein. Its founder, Arthur Griffith, a reluctant convert from a long-held faith in the power of passive resistance, by now accepted the necessity of physical force and the idea of a Republic. He decided to step aside as leader. At the Sinn Fein Ard-Fheis of October 1917, Eamon De Valera, absentee Member of the British House of Commons for East Clare, was elected President of Sinn Fein. The following day he was also elected President of the Volunteers.
 
THE IRB ALIVE AND WELL

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Mrs. Kathleen Clarke held the secrets of the I.R.B., put there in his wisdom by her husband Tom before his execution. It was to her Michael Collins hurried on his release from Frongoch. Soon the I.R.B. was well organized again. Its secret President was the President and trustee of the Republic. The I.R.B. was now the I.R.A., the Army of the Republic, Proclaimed by Pearse on the steps of the G.P.O. The stage was set for the final battle with Britain, culminating in the foundation of the Irish Free State in 1922 and the eventual plebiscite adopting the 1948 Constitution for what was already, except in name, The Irish Republic.

Copyright Pat Flannery 1993
 

   
         

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